They also investigated protocols for “product quality standards and testing.” Kleiman’s mandate was to offer officials options, rather than prescriptions.But he has a lot of opinions, and does not excel at hiding them.In drug-policy circles, he says, Kleiman is known as a prodigious generator of unorthodox solutions: “Not all of these ideas turn out to work in practice, but a lot of what happens in the whole field is Mark throws out an idea and then we all investigate it, check it, respond to it.” Kleiman has never been married and has no children, which allows him to crisscross the country, bestowing policy advice, most often on matters of criminal justice.Tags: Persuasive Essay On Police BrutalityBusiness Plan Presentation SlidesUseful Expressions For EssaySave Birds EssayTypes Of DissertationHomework PaperResearch Proposal Budget ExampleEssay On Hindu Religion
morning in August, Mark Kleiman, a professor of public policy at U. Kleiman is one of the country’s most prominent and outspoken analysts of drug policy, and for three decades he has argued that America’s cannabis laws must be liberalized.
A., addressed the Seattle city council on the subject of marijuana.
In a further complication, the marijuana that is legal in these states will remain illegal in the eyes of the federal government, because the Controlled Substances Act of 1970 forbids the growing and selling of cannabis.
“What the state is doing, in actuality, is issuing licenses to commit a felony,” Kleiman says.
In late August, after months of silence, the Department of Justice announced that it will not intervene to halt the initiatives in Washington and Colorado.
Instead, it will adopt a “trust but verify” approach, permitting the states to police the new market for the drug.“One of the ideas that has actuated the cannabis-legalization movement is that law enforcement really has bigger fish to fry,” he said. It was the kind of logical argument that nobody wants to hear.“We’d rather have cops chasing burglars than pot sellers. Not even law enforcement: to a narcotics detective, pot legalization can feel like an existential affront.Kleiman’s campaign used to seem quixotic, but in November, 2012, voters in Washington and Colorado passed initiatives legalizing the use and commercial sale of marijuana.Immediately afterward, the State of Washington decided that it needed help setting up a pot economy.A few years ago, Holmes stopped prosecuting misdemeanor marijuana-possession cases. The law, which was sixty-four pages long and contained hundreds of specific provisions, assigned the liquor-control board the role of regulating the pot market. The legislation gave Washington officials only a year to come up with answers.Yet many difficult questions remained: Who would be allowed to grow legal marijuana? Randy Simmons, the state’s project manager for I-502, says, “From the week after the initiative passed, it’s been about a hundred and fifty miles an hour.”The liquor-control board instructed Kleiman and his associates at to submit research papers outlining the advantages and disadvantages of rival approaches to legalization.State bureaucrats don’t generally sit around pondering the improbable, so they had made no contingency plans. Kleiman assembled a team that beat out more than a hundred other contenders for the job.He calls himself a “policy entrepreneur,” and offers advice through a consultancy that he runs, stands for Back of the Envelope Calculation.As if to deepen the insult, tax revenue from the sale of legal cannabis will be devoted to substance-abuse prevention and research—not to police or prosecutors. Although Kleiman urged state officials to set aside funds for increased law enforcement, he can get impatient with such complaints.He likes to say, “You don’t get any of the revenue for arresting , either.”He left the city councillors with a warning: without intensified law enforcement, pot legalization might not succeed.